matrix declarative clauses: (1a) los gatos duermen (cats sleep) (1b) duermo (sleep 1PSG -> I sleep) The subject-verb order of matrix declarative clauses is the same as it is for English. For the most part, the syntax for these type of sentences corresponds with what I have already done in previous labs. In order to get the right semantics, the head-subj-phrase rule inherits from declarative-clause which provides the proposition_m_rel relation that is necessary for matrix declarative clauses. It was a little more work to get the semantics right for subject pro-dropped sentences like in (1b). The basic-head-opt-subj-phrase rule was originally defined in the Matrix to inherit from head-compositional. However, because the semantic constraints between head compositional and declarative clause are not compatible, I could not inherit from both supertypes. Therefore, I had to redefine basic-head-opt-subj-phrase to not inherit from head-compositional and to get rid of the RELS and HCONS constraints. I was then able to inherit from declarative clause to get the right semantics. matrix interrogative clauses: (2a) żlos gatos duermen? (cats PL sleep 3PPL -> do cats sleep?) (2b) żduermen los gatos? (sleep 3PPL cats PL -> do cats sleep?) In spanish, the word order in matrix interrogative clauses is pretty flexible. In (2a), the word order is the same as matrix declarative clauses. That is, there are two ways to distinguish this type of interrogative question from its declarative counterpart: in spoken language, by intonation; in written language, by the sentence initial and final question marks. Another way in which interrogatives can be formed in Spanish is by subject-verb inversion in which the verb comes before the subject as it is in (2b). In order to handle both cases, I had to define several new types. First, I defined the verb type to have a boolean feature INV. All verbs that inherit from verb-lex start out as [ INV - ]. The verb is only constrained to be [ INV + ] when it undergos the inv-lex-rule, which was the next rule I defined. With this lexical rule, the subject is taken off the SUBJ list and prepended to the COMPS list. Also, I had to make sure that this rule did not apply to sentences with subject pro-drop. More specifically, I added [ OPT - ] on the daughter's subj list so that the inv-lex-rule does not apply to SUBJ-OPT-PHRASE. Next, I defined two yes-no-q-phrase types: one that requires the INV value of the head daughter's HEAD to be + (for inverted clauses, while the other one constrains that value to be - (for non-inverted clauses). For the latter, I had to constrain the MARG value of the question message to be the same as the LTOP value of the head daughter so that the question relation could take proposition_m_rel has its handle argument. Because of the word-order flexibility in Spanish, (1a) and (2a) have the same form but different semantics. When I parse a sentence of this form, I (correctly) get two parses, one for each analysis. Embedded declarative (with matrix declarative): (3a) los gatos saben que los perros duermen (the cats know that the dogs sleep) (3b) *los gatos saben que duermen los perros (cats know that sleep dogs -> cats know that dogs sleep) The complementizer que ("that") is obligatory in Spanish, whereas it is optional in English. In order to handle this, I had to define several new types. The first type I defined was a head type named comp. Then I defined a complementizer-lex type which requires a finite declarative clause as its complement. Next, I defined a subtype of that named that-comp-lex. However, the that complementizer does not add any message semantics. In order to actually embed these clauses, the last thing I defined was a type for verbs like know that select finite CPs as its complement. I also constrained it so that the embedded clauses were not inverted as in (3b) Embedded interrogative (with matrix declarative): (4a) los gatos saben si los perros duermen (cats know if dogs sleep) (4b) *los gatos saben si duermen los perros (the cats know if sleep the dogs -> cats know if dogs sleep) To handle these type of clauses, I defined a whether-comp-lex that inherits from complementizer-lex. Unlike the that complementizer, the whether-comp-lex adds some message semantics. This type adds the question_m_rel relation to its semantic information. All the clause types described above are getting the correct semantic representations (as compared to the representations in the lab write-up). NB: Because I couldn't find a definitive source as to whether there is subject-verb inversion after si ("if") as in (4b), I analyzed it as if there wasn't any inversion. I did this by constraining the HEAD of complementizer-lex to be [ INV - ]. I also made sure that the semantics were okay for sentences with various combinations of subject pro-drop (i.e. in both matrix and embedded, only in matrix, only in embedded clause, only in matrix clause or in neither). The last five sentences in test.items test this.